In concluding, the President expressed the hope that, despite Germany's dec laration, she would not actually embark upon ruthless submarine warfare, and stated that only actual overt acts on her part would make him believe it. If, how ever, this hope should prove unfounded, and if American ships and American lives should be destroyed by such acts on the part of her submarine com manders, in contravention of interna tional law and the dictates of humanity, the President stated that he would again take the liberty of coming before Con gress to ask of it authority to take whatever measures might be necessary to protect our seamen and our people in the prosecution of their legitimate errands on the high seas.
The speech received the immediate and hearty indorsement of the American people, regardless of party. It was felt that no other course could possibly be followed without the loss of national self-respect. There was no delusion as to what was implied in the breaking off of diplomatic relations. Almost in variably in modern times, such an act had been the prelude to war, and in the state of popular feeling there was little reason to think that this would prove an exception. But as between war and national degradation the nation had decided on its course.
Now that the decision had been ac tually reached there was no delaying or hesitation. In fact, at the precise moment that the President began his address, the German Ambassador re ceived his passports from Secretary Lansing. Steps were instantly taken to receive a guarantee of safe conduct out of the country, and this was granted by Great Britain and France within forty eight hours. The Scandinavian-Ameri can liner, "Frederick VIII.," was placed at his disposal; and on this vessel, ac companied by his suite and many Ger man consuls and propagandists, he left the port of New York, Feb. 14, 1917.
It was a regrettable fact that similar courtesy was not extended to Ambas sador Gerard at Berlin. In defiance of all the amenities that usually attend such departures, he was kept in the German capital for an indefensible length of time by something closely re sembling force.
The official instructions from the United States Government did not reach Ambassador Gerard until Feb. 5, and immediately upon their receipt he asked the German Foreign Office for his pass-. ports. At the same time, he committed American interests to the legations of Spain and Holland. But although he was promised his passports they were not forthcoming, and he was subjected to a host of annoyances. His mail was withheld, his telephone service cut off and his telegrams were not sent. He was unable to communicate with United States consuls in Germany, and in fact, if not in name, was a prisoner, kept under constant surveillance. During this
period, repeated attempts were made by the German authorities to secure a re affirmation of the old treaty between the United States and Prussia, whose terms, it was thought, would safeguard the Ger man ships in American ports. This, how ever, was emphatically refused by Mr. Gerard, as it was later by the American Government, when overtures were made to it directly. The Ambassador finally succeeded in leaving the German capital on Feb. 10, and reached the Swiss frontier the following afternoon.
While the German Government had contemplated the possibility of diplo matic relations being severed with America, as the result of its pronounce ment regarding ruthless warfare, there was no doubt that it had cherished hope that such a step would not be taken. On Feb. 12, Secretary Lansing gave out a memorandum that had been presented to him by Dr. Paul Ritter, the Swiss Minister to this country, in whose care Von Bernstorff had left German inter ests. The memorandum intimated that the submarin9 order might be modified in favor of the United States, providing that the commercial blockade against England were not thereby affected. The American Government refused to dis cuss the matter, unless and until the German Government renewed the as surance given in the Sussex case, and acted upon that assurance. Chagrined at its failure, the German Government reiterated that unrestricted war against all vessels in the barred zones was under full swing and would under no circum stances be abandoned.
Coincident with the breaking off of diplomatic relations, was the extensive sabotage carried out by the crews of German ships interned in the harbors of this country. There were 91 of such ships, totaling 594,696 gross tons. Of these, 31 were in New York harbor, their value estimated at $29,000,000. During the three days from Jan. 31, to Feb. 2, parts of the engines of the ships were either destroyed or removed, so that in the event of their seizure by this Government they would be unavailable for cargo or passenger purposes for months. The precision and thorough ness with which this work was done in dicated that it was the result of orders from the German Embassy or Govern ment. Under international law, this could not be prevented, as long as war had not been declared, and the captains and crews were left in undisturbed pos session of their vessels, the Government contenting itself with the establishment of armed guards on the piers at which the ships were moored, to prevent any attempt that might be made to sink them and thus obstruct navigation.