In the first week of November con tinuous French attacks compelled the enemy to relinquish that most important position, the Chemin-des-Dames, which they had held since September, 1914. On Nov. 20, 1917, General Haig launched an attack which marked a new offensive of deep significance, the chief result being the breaking of the Hindenburg line.
The Third Army, under General Sir Julian Byng, began an advance along a front of thirty-two miles, between the Scarpe river and St. Quentin. German defenses were penetrated for a distance of five miles, extending to a point within three miles of Cambrai. The Germans had been thoroughly surprised, and gave ground with comparatively little resist ance. Here the British tanks took an important part in the fighting, and con tributed in an important degree to the success of the stroke. In two days fighting 9,000 Germans were taken prisoners.
But if the Germans had been sur prised, they were equally furious at the blow which they had suffered, and within ten days they were striking back in the Cambrai area with such strength as to stagger the British. Both sides were re enforced heavily. But the British showed less mobility, and gradually they were forced to retire before the German as saults. By the middle of December, how ever, the British had been sufficiently re enforced to make a firm stand. On Dec. 15, 1917, heavy snow fell and this, too, hampered the Germans.
Meanwhile the French had been slowly but effectively nibbling away at the Ger man positions around Verdun and along the Aisne and the Meuse rivers. The capture of the Chemin-des-Dames had given them command of the strongest positions in that region. Toward the end of the year, however, fighting slack ened up and down the entire front and comparative quiet reigned during the Christmas holidays.
The Downfall of Russia's Autocracy.— The new year opened gloomily in Russia.
Strong efforts had been made to drive out the dark forces, that group of trai tors within the court circles, headed by the Czarina and the Monk Razputin, who very poorly hid their purpose of bring ing defeat to Russian arms. Too late had they realized, when the war broke out, that a victory by the enemies of German imperialism would also mean a defeat for Russian autocracy. They
meant now to retrieve their mistake, and sell Russia out to the Germans, and possibly even make common cause with them against the Allies. Shortly before the New Year Razputin had been as sassinated by men formerly high in the confidence of the Czar. Honest Russians, however reactionary their politics, they thought that by destroying the brains of the conspiracy, they would end the con spiracy itself. They were soon to dis cover their mistake. Razputin was dead, but Protopopov, Minister of the Interior, and the dominant figure in the Govern ment, had fully determined to carry out his master's plans.
Protopopov's plan, viewed in the per spective of time, seems to have been this: he would stir the Russian working classes in Petrograd to revolt and thus create a situation which would serve as an excuse for making a sudden peace with Germany. Obviously troops would have to be brought from the front to quell the revolution, and this could not be done without first making peace with the enemy.
To accomplish these plans, he sent his police agents among the factory workers in the neighborhood of the capital and caused them to spread revolutionary pro paganda, in the names of certain labor and Socialist leaders, who at that very time were urging the people to support the war against the Germans. But the true manifestoes were suppressed by the Government.
After the death of Razputin the meet ing of the Duma, which should have taken place on Jan. 25, 1917, was post poned for a month. This was to de lay public discussion of the situation. At the same time food supplies were held back, to raise discontent. Trainloads of flour and other foodstuffs were deliber itely shunted off on sidings outside Petrograd and there allowed to rot.
During January and February, how ever, the people of the capital remained calm. On March 11 the police suddenly began opening fire on the crowds which were peacefully congregated about the streets. Protopopov thought the mo ment for action had come. There was no resistance, but he ordered out the soldiers in garrison, to support the police. And then happened the unex pected. The soldiers, a regiment of crack guards, refused to fire on the people. Never had this happened before in Petrograd.