The situation now suddenly became serious. The President of the Dunia, Rodzianko, sent an urgent telegram to Czar Nicholas, who was just then visit ing at army headquarters. Of this ap peal the Czar took no notice.
On the following day more soldiers were ordered out, and not only did they refuse to shoot down the people, but they openly went over to their side. Two regiments of mutineers seized the Arsenal. An hour later the bastile of Russia, the Sts. Peter and Paul Fortress, was seized and all the prisoners released.
Anarchy threatened to overwhelm the capital, for the Duma sat almost in active, not knowing what course of ac tion to take, aside from sending urgent appeals to the Czar. But during this period the Socialists and labor leaders together organized the Council of Work ingmen's Delegates, which immediately took charge of the situation. In this body the workingmen had confidence, for its members were their recognized leaders.
The Premier, Prince Golitzin, issued an order proroguing the Duma. This order the Duma had the courage to ignore. On the contrary, Rodzianko, the President, then issued a proclamation abolishing the autocracy, and declaring the Duma the legal head of the nation.
The Council and the Duma now offered each other their co-operation, and to gether they elected a Provisional Gov ernment, the Premier of which was Prince George Lvov, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs Prof. Paul Miliukov.
From all sides came in declarations of support, from the working-class radi cals, from all the soldiers in the city, and from men who had formerly been strong adherents of the autocracy. Organized forces went out to hunt down the last of the police, who were still sniping the rev olutionists from the roofs. But there was comparatively little fighting. With in forty-eight hours the authority of the Provisional Government had been recog nized, not only in the capital, but throughout the provinces. A delegation was sent to demand the abdication of the Czar. A day later the little monarch was back in Petrograd, a prisoner, with his wife and children, in the palace.
Once order had been established, the Allied countries, one after another, hastened to accord recognition to the Provisional Government, which at once declared its intention of remaining in the field against the Central Empires.
But soon friction began to appear be tween the two elements constituting the new government, the Socialists and the Conservatives. The rank and file of
the army, having been told that a free Russia had been proclaimed, expected that they would suddenly be able to do as they pleased. This sentiment reflect ed itself in the Council, or Soviet, by which name it became better known. Fortunately from among the radicals restatement of war aims. It demanded stronger representation in the govern ment. Finally, on May 16, 1917, the Cabinet was, reorganized, the most significant change being the resignation of Miliukov, and the assumption of the portfolio of War by Kerensky, the So cialist.
On July 1, Kerensky, as Minister of War, went personally to the front and endeavored to arouse the enthusiasm of the soldiers for the war. As a result an offensive was begun against the Germans arose a leader who for a time checked this tendency toward demoralization, Alexander Kerensky, a deputy in the Duma, and one of the organizers of the Soviet. By his personality he carried the Soviet to his way of thought, and the leaders made all efforts to restrain the rank and file. Kerensky represented the Soviet in the new government as Minis ter of Justice.
Differences between the Socialist Soviet and the Conservative Duma con tinued, however. The Soviet wanted a and the Austrians, which, for a week, looked promising. But in the midst of their success the Russian forces suddenly collapsed, not through the resistance of the enemy, but because of their lack of desire to fight.
Among the Socialists there was a minority faction, known as the Bolshe viki, whose leaders were Nikolai Lenin and Leon Trotzsky. These were the ex tremists. They held the belief that the war was being fought only for the moneyed classes, and not in the interests of the working people. They began spreading a propaganda against con tinuing the war and in favor of estab lishing a completely Socialistic govern ment, which should not only make peace with the Central Empires, but abolish private property in trade and commerce and establish communism. It happened that the war-weary soldiers were in the mood to listen to them, and they were, therefore, in a large measure responsible for the failure of the Russian offensive during the summer of 1917.