In pursuing this inquiry, wb will avoid, as much as pos sible, the metaphysical abstractions of mere general rea soning. We will endeavour, rather, to consider the sub ject through the medium of some of the principal events in the history of our own government ; and with these we will at the same time combine, (whilst we shall take care to indicate sufficiently our own sentiments,) the opinions which the nation at large, as well as some of the most dis tinguished individuals in it, have from time to time enter tained on a topic so interesting. We shall thus, besides blending historical fact with the less edifying deductions of bare general discussion, present also the outlines, at least, of the political branch of our literary history.
Except the close of the eighteenth century, no period in the British history appears to have been more productive of political discussion than about the time of the civil wars, in the reign of Charles I. Before that period, political in quiry had made little progress among the people. Oppo site claims to the crown had divided their efforts in favour of the different competitors, and changes in the religious establishment had very deeply engaged their attention ; but no question had arisen calculated to lead the public mind, by an easy and obvious connection, to an investigation of the original principles upon which all government is founded, or to a comparison of one species of government with another. The two Houses of Parliament were the only place in which political discussion was at all to be found ; and, even there, it had scarcely ever dared to tress pass the safe boundaries prescribed' to it by the executive authority. A few speculative and learned men albite had indulged in inquiries of this nature. To them exclusive ly the fragments of political science which the general ruins of antiquity presented, were accessible; and, fired with the seemly ideas which these had excited, they were naturally led to emulate their own conceptions of the su perstructure. The performances, however, which some of these men thus produced, were either expressed in a language with which the people were utterly unacquaint ed, or conceived in so subtle and scholastic a manner as was little fitted to engage public attention.
But in proportion as the disputes between Charles and his parliament drew to a crisis, in proportion were the minds of the people directed to a bolder range of political discussion. At first, the limits of the prerogative formed the only subject of enquiry. By degrees, as the fortunes
of Charles darkened, the circumstances which constituted the total forfeiture of the throne began to be examined. And at last, when the sovereign was destroyed, and the peers voted useless, the question assumed the broadest form of which it was susceptible. The enquiry now was into the best form of civil polity ; and in this enquiry, the whole extent of political science was developed to the people.
That all lawful authority was derived from them, and was co-existent only with the just and impartial administra tion of it, were considerations of no mean importance, and accordingly received a share of the public attention ; but the opportunity was now arrived, when the British people, freed from their ancient government and all its deformities, might, as they conceived, erect a new superstructure which, while it secured their own and their descendants fe cility, might forever serve as a model to the rest of man kind. On this wider subject, therefore, every mind was oc cupied. All other conversation was naturally without in terest. Every press was employed in furnishing the various publications which might inform the ignorant, convince the doubting, or excite the enthusiastic. The blemishes of the former government needed no exaggeration from the pen of the political writer, to create a general abhorrence of every forin of polity which bore any resemblance to it. The people themselves had too recently felt its imperfec tions, even while its administration was yet unexasperated by opposition, and had smarted too severely under the conse quences it admitted, when its chief magistrate chose to be offended. The most opposite form, therefore, was the most favourite. Every publication, accordingly, consisted either of arguments in support of a democracy, or detailed some new and rival plan of government for the approbation and choice of the people. Nor in this competition of specula tive politics, then deemed so glorious, do we find such names only as are ever ready to serve the purposes of am bition, or of avarice. Warmed with the love of ancient li berty, and proud to avow their admiration of it, the fairest schemes of republican government, and the strongest ar guments in support of it, which the minds of a Harrington and a Milton could devise, or their energetic eloquence recommend, afford interesting specimens both of the man ner in which the public mind was then occupied, and of the ability employed in giving it a direction.