The next 20 years saw the growth of power ful national Socialist movements, but with no centralized international organization. At the end of that period these parties felt the need of some sort of co-operation and united in the first of a series of International Congresses at Paris, 14 July 1889. The new international was a creation of the national bodies and not a centralized organization having control of branches in various nations. At this first meet ing differences developed so great that two congresses instead of one were held, although some of the delegates participated in the meet ings of both bodies. Two years later, at the Congress of Brussels this breach was at least partially healed and it gradually disappeared. In 1896 the old conflict with anarchistic ele ments arose but was settled by the adoption of a resolution excluding from subsequent con gresses those who repudiate political action. The Congress of Paris, 1900, laid the founda tion of a new permanent international Socialist organization by the formation of the Inter national Socialist Bureau. This bureau is com posed of permanent delegates from each coun try, the larger nations electing two and the smaller one. A chairman and secretary were also elected and Brussels chosen as the seat of the international secretariat. With the out break of the European War in 1914 Socialism attracted more general attention than at any previous time in its history. Many people had hoped that by concerted action the Socialists of Germany would be able to prevent that country's entering the war. Soon after the declaration of war it was found that practically all, of the Socialist parties in the warring coun tries had cast in their lot with their govern ments. For 50 years before the war Socialist congresses and Socialist periodicals had dis cussed the problem of war from every possible standpoint and recognized it and the hostile feeling between nations as the greatest obstacles to the development of a world-wide social democracy. The causes of modern wars, ac cording to a leading American Socialist, are as follows: "The basic cause is capitalism; the contributory causes are imperialism, mili tarism, social unrest, international grudges and pseudo-patriotism.° In 1907 the International Socialist Congress was held at Stuttgart and is memorable for the anti-war resolution passed after considerable discussion between Bebel, Jaures, Vandervelde and others. The terms of this resolution named capitalism as the cause of war and stated that the workers of the world are the natural enemies of war. An ad ditional formulation, proposed by Rosa Lux emburg, Lenine and Martoff, is illuminating, in view of subsequent events. It is as follows: "In case a war should, nevertheless, break out, the Socialists shall take measures to bring about its early termination and strive with all their power to use the economic and political crises created by the war to arouse the masses politically and hasten the overthrow of capitalist class rule." This threat was incorporated in the Stuttgart resolution and was adopted at the Congress of Basel in 1912. Among the means proposed to avert war were a general international strike, the refusal of money for military supplies and a general anti-military agitation. The International Congress of Co penhagen in 1910 modified somewhat the pro posals of previous congresses and was un doubtedly less anti-militaristic than its predeces sors. An international congress was to meet in Vienna in August 1914 but the outbreak of hostilities prevented its convening. The Inter national Socialist Bureau, with headquarters at Brussels, suspended its activities in July 1914. Vandervelde, chairman of the bureau, became a member of the Belgian government and the bureau was removed to The Hague. Here a conference of Socialists from neutral states (Denmark, Sweden, Holland, Argentina and the United States) was held on 30 July and 1 and 2 Aug. 1914. It passed resolutions blaming capitalism for the war and advocated free trade and a democratization of power. Socialists from the belligerent countries met for the first time at the Zimmermann (Switzer land) Congress in September 1915. The same representatives met at Kienthal 24-30 April 1916. Much opposition and factionalism fol lowed the proposal to renew the International and to attempt a discussion of the peace prob lem, in which the German delegates would take part. In 1917 leading Socialists of the world proposed a peace congress to be held at Stock holm. The movement was initiated by the Russian Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' delegates. Immediately the Austrian and Ger man Socialists drew up a peace program in which the main points were "No annexations, no indemnities.° Much discussion ensued in the Entente countries relative to the granting of passports to delegates to the Stockholm conference. Ultimately passports were refused delegates in France, Great Britain, Italy and the United States. The Stockholm Conference was consequently not fully representative and while it did not succeed in its peace program, it certainly gave an impulse to the pacifist move ment in the warring countries. The progress of the war and its conclusion gave a great im petus to Socialism, which spread more rapidly than ever before and came into power in sev eral of the larger countries of Europe.
Germany.— Germany for a long time led the Socialist movement of the world in the number of votes, representatives in Parliament, press and literature. On the theoretical side German Socialist thought has often been traced back to Hegel and Fichte. Winkelblech, better known as "Karl Mario," Rodbertus and Weit ling also developed ideas of collectivism and premises in economics that were later incor porated in Socialist doctrine. It is only with
Ferdinand however, that such theories were linked up with an actual working class movement. Lassalle was born at Breslau, 11 April 1825, studied first at the trade school at Leipzig and then took up philology and philos ophy at Breslau and Berlin, passing his exami nations with distinction. He became involved in the working class revolts of 1848 and came into slight contact with Marx and Engels, although there is little evidence that he was greatly influenced by them. It was not until 1862 that he delivered his famous lecture on "The Labor Program," before an artisans' associ ation in Berlin. The published copies of this lecture were seized by the police and Lassalle was arrested. At his trial he delivered a speech which was destined to become, under the title "Science and the 'Workingman," one of the classics of early Socialism. In response to an invitation to address the Leipzig Working men's Association he sent his "Open Reply Letter," in which he further explained •his program and philosophy. He set forth his ad herence to the Ricardian theory of the iron law of wages, which was later to become a bone of contention in Socialist circles. He urged the formation of productive associations of work ingmen for which he held the state should provide the capital. To secure this end he de clared that "the working classes must consti tute themselves into an independent political party and must make universal, equal and direct suffrage their watchword. The represen tation of the working classes in the legislative bodies of Germany — that alone can satisfy their legitimate interests in a political sense." On 19 May 1863 the Congress of Workingmen at Frankfort-on-Main adopted Lassalle's program and four days later the "Universal German Workingmen's Association," which was later to develop into the German Social Democracy, was founded. Lassalle, however, was destined to see small fruits from his work. After a few months of tireless, energetic, eloquent agitation, with apparently small results, he was drawn into a duel on a purely personal matter, was fatally wounded and died 31 Aug. 1864. For a time considerable confusion existed. The In ternational Workingmen's Association, whose organization at London in 1864 has already been described, began to have an influence in Ger many. Wilhelm Liebknecht was its principal worker. Many of the principles of the Marxian economics which had been accepted by the In ternational, were opposed to the doctrines of Lassalle. This was particularly true of the state assisted productive associations. In 1867 uni versal suffrage was granted for the North Ger man Reichstag and the Socialists polled between 30,000 and 40,000 votes, electing six members, among whom was August Bebel, who never ceased to play a prominent part in German So cialism, and who had been converted by Lieb knecht to the Marxian position and the support of the International. In 1869 at Eisenach the Marxian wing organized the "Sozial Demokrat ische Arbeiter Panel." For the next few years the strife between the Eisenachers and the Las salleans was violent. This, however, did not prevent the rapid growth of Socialism and in 1874 331,670 votes were cast for the Socialist candidates. Three Lassalleans and seven Eisen achers, including Bebel and Liebnecht, both of whom were in prison for alleged treasonable ut terances during the Franco-Prussian War, were elected to the Reichstag. This great success brought down the wrath of the governing pow ers and a period of persecution began, the first effect of which was to close up the breach be tween the two Socialist parties at the Congress of Gotha in May 1875. This union was fol lowed by a rapid increase in the Socialist vote, which by 1877 had reached nearly 500,000. Meanwhile Bismarck was bending every energy to force repressive. measures through the Reichstag. It is probable that he would have failed in this had it not been that two insane persons attempted to assassinate the emperor. Bismarck at once declared that these attacks were inspired by the Socialists, although there was never the slightest evidence to justify this assertion. However, he at once dissolved the Reichstag and by means of the most inflamma tory appeals to public prejudice succeeded in getting a majority subservient to his purposes. A law was forced through which practically out lawed the entire Socialist movement. It prohib ited the formation or existence of organizations which sought by Social Democratic, socialistic or anarchistic movements to subvert the pres ent state and social order. Provision was also made that where even these very stringent mea sures were ineffective, any city could be declared in a "minor state of siege" in which all public activity was directly controlled by the police. The Socialists at once determined upon a policy of "shamming dead." The organ of the Socialist party was transferred to Switzerland and from there circulated in great numbers throughout Germany. The only attempt at public propa ganda within Germany was through the speeches of the Socialist members in the Reichstag. At the first election taking place under this Reign of Terror in 1881, it appeared as if the policy of suppression was succeeding, as the Socialist vote fell to a little over 300,000. From that time on, however, and in spite of oppression, the party grew by leaps and bounds until in 1890 it polled 1,427,298 votes. It being manifestly im possible to continue to consider a million and a half of voters as outlaws, the Anti-Socialist Law was allowed to lapse in March 1890 and Bismarck was dismissed as Minister. From that time to the present the Socialist movement has continued to grow.