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movement in the direction of autonomy likewise occurred in the case of the co-operatives and the trade unions. During the civil war "appointed members" had been added by the government to the Board of Centrosoyus, the wholesale organisation of the consumers' co-operatives, and this body had come in practice to be merely a commercial agency working on commission for the Commissariat of Supplies. Now financial autonomy as an inde pendent trading organisation was restored to it. Greater freedom was also given to the trade unions which by 192o had come to be in practice merely appendages of the State machine, with their personnel appointed from above. One of the cardinal prin ciples expounded by Lenin in 1921 was that trade unions must be democratic organs of the masses, voicing the interests and feelings of the rank and file and so acting as a check on "b ireaucratic" tendencies of the State apparatus, while at the same time sharing in the control of industry and advancing candidates from among their own ranks for administrative and managerial posts.

This New Economic Policy (usually referred to as NEP), viewed in its true perspective, amounted to a return to the policy which the Soviet Government had pursued during the first eight months. All belligerent countries during the war adopted certain measures of centralisation and semi-military regulation, to which the name of "war socialism" has sometimes been given. Similarly in Russia "war communism" represented a war-time improvisa tion, which in many respects went aside from the "normal" course which in more peaceful circumstances would probably have been pursued. The economic system which Lenin had envisaged in 1918 and to which the New Economic Policy was a return was termed by him "State Capitalism." It was called by this term since it was a "mixed system," under which over 90 per cent of factory indlis try, including all the larger enterprises, was owned and operated by the State; but at the same time these socialist elements existed alongside a certain amount of small-scale private industry and pri vate trade, and faced the mass of primitive small peasant farms, which covered over 95 per cent of agricultural production.

This State Capitalism, however, differed essentially, according to Lenin, from anything to be found in Western countries even in war-time, in that in Russia a death-blow had been dealt to the existence of a privileged class, and the workers occupied the "key positions" which enabled them to shape the development of society along a new course. The ultimate goal to be attained was a class less society. As long, however, as private production and trade continued, the possibility existed of the rise of a new propertied class, amassing wealth and the differential privileges which go with it. In the village, for instance, the peasant who had more

cattle and instruments than his neighbours might perhaps after a few years of astute business graduate from village trader and usurer to become a merchant or factory owner in the town.

To extend the influence of the socialist elements, accordingly, in this transitional "mixed system" Lenin relied on two things. First, he looked to industrialisation, and in particular to the de velopment of electrification, to accomplish the industrial revolu tion which was still incomplete in pre-war Russia. As this process advanced, the "specific weight" of the large-scale socialist ele ments would increase, and small-scale private economy would be subordinated or transformed. Secondly, he looked to the co operative system as the link between the state and the peasantry, lending special aid to the poorer villagers so as to prevent them from being proletarianised as of yore, and drawing the peasant into collective activity, first in matters of sale and purchase, later in credit and the supply of instruments and the use of agricultural machinery, and finally in the actual cultivation of his land in com mon. In the interim nothing must be done to break the smytchka between the village and the town. Politically the urban workers must keep the peasants as partners, even if only junior while economically State industry must develop, not at the ex pense of peasant agriculture, but along with it, the growth of the one facilitating the growth of the other. Under "war corn monism," which was• under that system, this essential smytchka was broken.

The Organization of Industry.

The new form of organiza tion which followed the introduction of NEP had as its keynote the grouping of factories into federations or "Trusts," and the en dowment of these Trusts with powers of financial and commercial initiative to operate as independent units on the market, subject only to a general control over the general features of their policy by the higher State bodies. The controlling Board of the Trust is appointed by the State Supreme Economic Council, usually in consultation with the trade union of the industry and including a certain number of trade union nominees; and the Board in turn appoints the managers of the factories under its control, again usually in consultation with the trade union. The legal position of the trust directors is that of "trustees" of the State property (land, buildings and machinery) entrusted to them. They are re movable at the end of any year at the will of the higher authori ties, and their profits, after providing for reserve and a welfare fund, are at the disposal of the State.

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