Ussr

U.S.S.R., consisting of the Federal Council and the Council of Nationalities. The Congress of Soviets is composed of repre sentatives of town Soviets on the basis of one delegate to 25,000 electors and representatives of provincial Soviets on the basis of one delegate to 125,000 of the population. The town popula tion is thus given a marked advantage in representation in com parison with the peasant population. Delegates to the Congress of Soviets are elected at the provincial congresses of Soviets. The Council of Nationalities is formed of representatives of allied and autonomous socialist, soviet republics, five delegates from each, and of representatives of autonomous regions, one delegate from each. The composition of the Council of Nationalities is confirmed as a whole by the Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. As a rule the Congress of Soviets does not frame laws, it merely lays down the basic principles of policy in the various domains of national life.

The Sovnarkom.

The Council of People's Commissaries (Russian abbreviation Sovnarkom) is composed of the Chairman and his deputy and ten people's commissaries responsible, by the terms of the constitution to the Central Executive Committee for the following branches of administration :—Foreign Affairs, Army and Navy, Foreign Trade, Transport, Posts and Telegraphs, La bour, Finance, Workers' and Peasants' Internal Trade and Public Economy. The five latter commissariats discharge functions which are within the competence of the separate republics and they also exist therefore in all the allied and autonomous republics, dis charging their functions independently in their respective spheres, but in accordance with the guiding principles and instructions of the United Commissariats of the Union. This Council, within the limits of the rights granted it by the Central Executive Committee, issues decrees and resolutions which must be executed throughout the territory of the U.S.S.R., though these decrees and resolu tions may be suspended by the Central Executive Committee. The Central Executive Committees of the respective republics may appeal against such decrees and resolutions to the Central Execu tive Committee, but may not suspend them, except in cases where they are in opposition to the constitution or to the legislation of a Union republic.

The government of each of the republics is arranged on the same lines, with a praesidium, a central executive committee and a council of people's commissars. The right of amnesty and also the right of pardon and rehabilitation in regard to citizens con demned by the legal and administrative organs of the U.S.S.R. is retained by the Central Executive Committees of each of the six republics.

The various republics, autonomous republics, areas and autono mous areas draw up their own budgets, and these are embodied in a single State budget of the U.S.S.R. But the Central Execu tive Committee determines taxes and revenues applying to the whole union and authorises the additional taxes and dues forming part of the budgets of the united republics. No electoral rights are enjoyed by persons who exploit other people's labour or who trade and live on rents, otherwise electoral rights are granted to all members of the community over 18 years of age, except to monks, clergy or those employed in religious establishments. Members of the Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S.R. may take part in a consultative capacity in the proceedings of all local councils or executive committees.

The Civil and Criminal Codes.

The Civil and Criminal Codes and the organisation of the juridical system underwent a profound change at the time of the revolution, and during the period of military communism. A reconstructed code was issued in 1923 and later amended, and new codes were again drawn up in 1927. It is evident that a process of long adjustment between theoretical new codes and their interpretation and the method of enforcing them must take place in any country, but in a country so vast as Russia, containing so many illiterate people the process must be very complicated, especially as the constituent republics have, within certain limits, a right to amplify and alter the code of laws. The difficulty of finding judges capable of interpreting new codes, especially in the villages and rural towns, must be almost insuperable and it is probable that traditional methods and old interpretations will persist for some time and that the ultimate legislative code will be profoundly modified. The high ideal of early days "Here in the camp of Socialism are mutual confidence and peace, national freedom and equality, a dwelling together in peace" (First Section of the 1923 Constitution) has faded and freedom of thought and speech are still, as in the days of Tsarism, suppressed by the death penalty and temporary or permanent exile. The number of convicts in the prisons of the

U.S.S.R. shows a progressive and marked increase between 1923 and 1927, but this, of course, may be due to the greater possibility of enforcing law and order since the cessation of civil fighting, which persisted in some more remote regions until 1925, and which was followed in many places by general lawlessness and banditism. War and revolution and famine have created through out the chief constituent republics of the Union a vast army of homeless beggars who have become entirely dependent on charity or crime for food. (X.) Theoretical control by the Communist Party has some practi cal limitations. The peasant, though limited severely in voic ing his opinions, not only by the disproportionate representation given to town workers, but also by the general illiteracy of the peasantry and the frequent remoteness of the villages from cen tres of political activity, yet has at his control the weapon of refusing to produce more grain or raw material than will suffice for his own needs. Partly to prevent the peasants from uniting to take such action and partly for other political reasons every effort is made to stir up strife between the kulaks, as the wealthier peasants are called and the middle class and poorer peasants. Yet even in this respect a certain amount of caution is perpetually called for, since it is obvious that the two latter classes can pro duce enough for their own needs only and it is on the former class that surplus for the towns and for export depends, and legislation shows a tendency to oscillate between attacks on the wealthier peasants and withdrawals when lessened sowing results from the attacks. Much lessened sowing since 1921 has, however, been involuntary and has been due to the diminution in the number of horses and working cattle and to the lack of agri cultural implements. The increasing discord between the factory worker and the peasant is also unfortunate in its effects. The lot of the peasant cultivator is hard and, while legislation brings re peated lessening of hours and amelioration of conditions to the factory worker, the peasant must put in such long hours of ardu ous toil during his season of work that the Russian word for har vest has become synonymous with that for suffering. It is natural, therefore, that resentment is springing up on his side against the present dominance of the industrialised population in the framing of legislation. Thus the tradition of class hatred be queathed from the old regime has taken another form which promises to be equally disastrous. A peasantry divided against itself with an industrial population divided against the peasantry may prevent union for political purposes, but it also prevents union for progress. In another direction Communism is limited by human nature. The primeval instinct for barter maintains re tail, and even some wholesale, private trade, in spite of heavy taxes and other disabilities. It must be borne in mind, however, that so large a population could not be dominated by so small a minority unless deep-seated needs were being satisfied. Under the tsarist regime political freedom did not exist, and moreover, there was not even freedom to meet to discuss problems of social im provement. The Zemstvo law of 1890 reduced peasant repre sentation on the Zemstvo to a powerless minority. There was a distinct attempt to keep the poorer classes illiterate while at present, though educational facilities are all too limited, the government makes strenuous efforts to combat illiteracy. For the first time the peasant finds himself free from the burden of debt imposed by the onerous terms of settlement which accompanied the measures for the emancipation of the serfs. Any national minority is now free to use its own language and to develop its own culture ; congresses to discuss problems of local administra tion are encouraged; representatives from all parts of the U.S.S.R. meet to discuss their problems and to exchange ideas. The psychological effect on the nation of the new opportunities of sharing in social legislation and of meeting other workers from such varied regions, must ultimately profoundly alter social and cultural conditions in Russia.