The manufacturing and commercial classes viewed the restored dynasty with less mixed feelings of approbation, and with confidence unweakened by doubt or suspicion ; for the Revolution had brought to them no peculiar privileges, had freed them from no particular grievances ; on the con trary, it had been a constant source of calamity. They therefore hailed the accession of Louis as the commence ment of an era most favourable to their interests ; and per haps, less than any other class of the French nation, felt dis graced by the mode in which he had been seated on the throne of his ancestors.
Although the present generation in France has in a great measure grown up during the Revolution, yet there are. in some of the provinces, what may be deemed hereditary adherents of the House of Bourbon ; who wished their re storation, not merely from a sense of the evils which the Revolution had entailed on their country, but because they regarded them as having a right to the throne, of such a nature as could not be set aside by any human authority. This class hailed the return of Louis with blind though sincere joy ; anticipating the annihilation of all revolution ary principles and measures ; the absolute triumph of the principles of pure monarchy ; the enjoyment of the King's confidence, and an ample reward for their long suffering loyalty. With sentiments and hopes similar to these, ma ny of the emigrants must have returned to France ; fully persuaded that, as the allies had conquered that country and expelled Bonaparte, there could be no obstacle to the completion of their hopes.
Such is a brief sketch of the condition and character of the different classes of the French people at the period when Louis ascended the throne; and this sketch is suffi cient to spew the nature, the extent, and the imminence of the dangers and difficulties with which he was encompased. The manner, too, in which he came to the throne, by the assistance of the enemies of France, of those enemies over most of whom she had formerly triumphed, but who now beheld her prostrate at their feet, could not fail to create something like aversion to Louis, even in the breasts of those who, from loyalty, from interest, or from purer mo tives, rejoiced at his accession, as consummating the over throw of Bonaparte ; for the love of national glory is so strong in the breast of a Frenchman, as not unfrequently to overcome every other principle, sentiment, and feeling.
Louis was by no'means equal to the embarrassing situa tion in which he was placed. In his character there was no decision, promptitude, or energy ; and yet all these qualities were imperiously called for. With the military he never could be popular, and even if he could, popularity with them must have rendered him obnoxious to the allies and the mass of the French nation ; yet almost his first measure was to court the marshals and generals of Bona parte. By a fatal inconsistency, while he their
support, he lent himself to the intrigues of the emigrants, or at least did not, with sufficient promptitude, put down their extravagant pretensions to their former privileges. Thus he doubly alienated the people at large, on whom alone he ought to have depended for the support of his tottering throne. His policy should have been, gradually to have withdrawn the military foundation of the throne, and to have substituted the more legitimate, as well as the more safe, foundation of his subjects' confidence and at tachment. Such a plan required most consummate pru dence and talents, as well as great energy and decision of character, which unfortunately for Louis he did not pos sess.
Soon after his entry into Paris, he formed his ministry. At the head of it was M. D'Ambray as chancellor ; Tal leyrand was appointed minister for foreign affairs ; the Ab be de Montesquieu minister of the interior ; and M. Ma lonet minister of finance. A council of war was also ap pointed, consisting of 14. members, most of them the prin cipal generals of Bonaparte ; Ney, Augereau, and Mac donald being at the 11, ad of the list. Shortly afterwards there appeared an official list of 150 noblemen, named by the King, as members of the chamber of peers for life. This list comprehended nearly all the old Dukes, and other chief nobility of the time prior to the Revolution, with some of the new titles ; among the latter were Tal leyrand, Clarke, Lebrun, Berthier, Macdonald, Ney, Sa chet, Moncey, Marmont, Augereau, and Oudinot. On the 4th of June the parliament was opened by Louis, in a speech too plainly chewing the necessity of paying court to the national vice of the love of glory ; for he was par ticularly carefully to impress on the parliament, and through them on the nation, that the glory of the French armies had received no blemish ; that the monuments of their valour remained ; and that the chefs d'auivre of the arts would belong to them henceforward, by rights more stable and more respected than those of victory. What may be called the form of the constitution, was not pro mulgated till the middle of August ; it consisted of a body of resolutions, under various titles, according to which the intercourse between the King and the two legislative chambers was to be carried on. The form of the con stitution, as well as the spirit of it, bore a considerable resemblance to that of Great Britain ; but in some points it differed from it, for the King of France was invested with the privilege not only of proroguing but of adjourn ing both 'the chambers. By these regulations, laws might originate in two ways—either by the King sending pro posals respecting them to the two chambers, which pro posals might be adopted or rejected ; or the chambers themselves, separately or jointly, might pray the King to propose a law.